File Name: nutritional anthropology biocultural perspectives on food and nutrition .zip
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Nutritional anthropology is the study of the interplay between human biology , economic systems , nutritional status and food security. If economic and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization.
Nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development either in terms of human development or traditional western models for any given group of people.
Most scholars construe economy as involving the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services within and between societies. For instance, many economic anthropologists state that the reciprocal gift exchange, competitive gift exchange, and impersonal market exchange are all reflective of dominant paradigms of social relations within a given society. Subsistence refers to production and consumption on a small-scale of the household or community, while a market-based economy implies a much broader scale of production, distribution, and consumption.
A market economy also entails the exchange of goods for currency, versus bartering commodities or being under continuing reciprocal gift exchange obligations. This is not to say that market economies do not coexist with subsistence economies and other forms, but that one type usually dominates within a given society. However, a broad array of scholarship exists, stating that market economies are rapidly increasing in importance on a global scale, even in societies that have traditionally relied much more heavily on subsistence production.
The most important step in understanding the links between economics and nutrition is to understand major modes of production that societies have used to produce the goods and services they have needed throughout human history.
These modes are foraging, shifting cultivation, pastoralism, agriculture, and industrialism Park Foraging, also known as hunting and gathering , is a subsistence strategy in which a group of people gathers wild plants and hunts wild animals in order to obtain food. This strategy was the sole mode of existence for human beings for the vast majority of human history inclusive of the archaeological and fossil record and continued to be practiced by a few groups at least into the middle part of the 20th century.
This mode of production is generally associated with small, nomadic groups of no more than fifty, also known as bands. The vast majority of foraging societies do not acknowledge exclusive ownership of land or other major resources, though they do acknowledge primary use rights for groups and people may individually possess small objects or tools such as a bow or cutting tools.
Because foraging usually involves frequent movement and taking food naturally available rather than altering landscapes for production, many scholars state the foraging has a minimal negative environmental impact compared to other modes of production.
Though foragers are generally limited in absolute amount of food available in a given area, foraging groups such as the! Kung in the Kalahari Desert have often been cited as having a more diverse diet and spending less time per week procuring food than societies that practice other modes of production such as intensive agriculture.
Horticultural societies are generally situated in semi-sedentary villages of a few hundred that clear a field and burn the cleared vegetation in order to use the ashes to nourish the soil hence the phrase slash and burn. Next, the group plants a crop or crops in this clearing and uses it for cultivation for several years. At the end of this period, the entire village relocates and starts the process anew, leaving the old clearing fallow for a period of decades in order to allow regeneration through the regrowth of wild vegetation.
These food items can be supplemented through the raising of livestock, hunting wild game, and in many cases with the gathering of wild plants Miller ; Park Though periodic movement precludes absolute permanent ownership of land, some horticultural societies fiercely defend current territories and practice violence against neighboring groups.
Horticulture can also produce a broad diet, and in some cases more food per unit of land area than foraging. Though populations of horticulturalists tend to have greater density than those of foragers, they are generally less dense than those which practice other modes of production. If practiced on a small scale, over a large area, with long fallow periods, horticulture has less negative environmental impact than agriculture or industrialism, but more than foraging Miller Generally, horticulture coincides with a subsistence type of economy in terms of production, distribution.
Pastoralism , defined as reliance on products from livestock coupled with a seasonal nomadic herding tradition, is similar to horticulture in that it is extensive in its use of land area. Social groups in pastoral societies tend to have similar numbers and population density to horticultural societies. Pastoral societies often trade animal products with agricultural societies for plant based foods to augment their diet. Frequent movement often means that pastoralism has a similar environmental impact to horticulture, though instances of overgrazing, and consequent land degradation see later subsection under Globalization and Nutrition , have been sited in some cases.
Pastoralism generally entails a greater reliance on meat or other animal products, such as milk or blood, than other modes of production. This mode of production has a similar use rights profile to shifting cultivation.
Traditionally, pastoralism has coincided with a subsistence based economy, but in the last several decades, some pastoralist societies, such as Mongolia , have herded animals and practiced nomadic living patterns but have produced livestock primarily for market exchange. Agriculture , sometimes referred to as intensive agriculture, involves clearing and using the same plot of land for an extended period, sometimes several generations; it also involves the use of plows and draft animals in the preparation of land for planting and the cultivation of crops.
Agriculture often supports much higher population densities than other modes of production except industrialism and agricultural societies can range in population from a few thousand into the millions. Though agriculture produces more food per unit of land area than the previously mentioned modes, the tendency of agricultural societies to focus on relatively few crops has often meant that these societies have much less diverse diets than foraging and horticultural societies.
There is some archaeological and fossil evidence that populations in transition from foraging to agriculture have tended to suffer reduced stature, reduced musculature, and to exhibit other markers of malnutrition. Research has suggested that agriculture paradoxically allows a higher, but less healthy population for a given area. The advent of agriculture has marked that advent of social stratification in many parts of the world, with marked differentials in access to resources between segments of the same society.
This mode of production also is more likely to entail permanent individual or family ownership of particular tracts of land than previously mentioned modes of production.
Agriculture has co-occurred with both subsistence and market economies, often with a single society exhibiting some degree of both types of economies and has a more negative impact on the environment than the aforementioned modes of production. Industrialism combines agriculture with mechanized industrial production of goods through the use of fossil fuels. Additionally, industrial societies use mechanized equipment in order to prepare land for planting, harvest crops, and distribute food to locations distant from where the original crops were planted.
Industrialism shows similar trends to agriculture in terms of population density, and environmental impact, except to a much greater degree.
Dietary diversity can be highly variable under an industrial mode of production and can depend on access to foods produced for local subsistence on the one hand, or to income level and purchasing power visa vie foods available in food markets Leatherman and Goodman Dietary diversity and nutritional health often correlate with the degree of social stratification within an industrial society and sometimes between societies.
The general trend for many societies over the past several millennia has been toward agriculture, and in the past two centuries, toward industrialism. Though these two modes of production are by no means superior to other modes in every respect, the fact that societies that practice them tend to have larger populations, higher population densities, and a more complex social structure has correlated with the geographic expansion of agricultural and industrial societies at the expense of societies emphasizing other modes of production.
Concurrent with this trend toward intensified agricultural and industrial production has been the rise of the social and economic paradigm of capitalism, which entails the production and sale of goods and services in the market place in order to produce a profit.
These trends have had profound implications for nutritional status for human beings on a global scale. In order to discern how broader economic and environmental trends affect a community's food systems, food security, and nutritional status, it is important to summarize one of the most significant economic and ecological phenomena today, globalization.
The next section will treat the linkages between economic and ideological trends over the last several centuries and environmental and political economic factors affecting access to food and nutritional status. Though the scope and dimensions of globalization as most people currently construe it are of fairly recent origin, the broader phenomenon of global interconnections through cultural diffusion and trade is several centuries old.
This expansion has had a profound impact in terms of wealth creation in Europe and extraction elsewhere, cultural changes in most of the world's societies, and biological phenomena such as the introduction of several infectious diseases into the Western Hemisphere , which caused tremendous disruption and population reduction for indigenous societies there.
These events, far from occurring coincidentally, have had synergistic relationships, in one vivid example, the decimation of Amerindian populations through infectious disease often preceding and facilitating subsequent conquest by European powers. Such conquests in turn have often had significantly negative impacts on internal cohesion, ability of populations to attain adequate resources for their own subsistence and traditional social obligations, and local environments for colonized societies.
In , China was arguably the most cosmopolitan and technologically complex society in the world. Western Europe, while playing a part in this network, did not dominate it by any means; one could argue for European marginalization in fact. The dominant economic paradigm of this period was mercantilism , whereby European merchants began to achieve power in world markets and in relation to European governing aristocracies. Robbins cites example of government protections that facilitated mercantilism in the form of exclusive proprietary rights to trading companies and armies used to protect trade by force if necessary.
He details instances of government protection such as the example of how Great Britain destroyed India's textile industry and turned that society into an importer of textiles is especially illustrative. This history of world trade is important to the consideration of current issues of disparity of power and wealth.
There are many critiques the policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund IMF in the promotion of high intensity capital investment in developing nations e. Weller et al. Disparities within nations and growing poverty rates in many nations also provide compelling evidence of the idea that the rewards of economic globalization are uneven at best. There is a great deal of literature about globalization and increases in health disparities both between and within countries.
Finally, there is Amartya Sen with Development as Freedom ; here Sen disagrees about whether or not the world's poor are getting poorer, but also maintains that this criterion is not the most important.
He argues that relative disparities and power differentials are the most important problems of globalization. Sen states that the increasing interconnection of the Worlds societies can have positive benefits, but that the disparities and opportunities for exploitation must be mitigated to the greatest extent possible, if they can not be eliminated outright.
Sen provides groundwork for a nuanced middle ground between unabashed proponents and opponents of globalization. Far from being universally decried, the recent accelerated expansion of western capitalism, geographically, politically, and ideologically, has been lauded in many quarters.
International and bilateral agencies such as the World Bank, IMF, and the United States Agency for International Development USAID have utilized free market capitalist theories extensively in development programs in many corners of the globe whose state aims are to promote economic growth for communities and nation-states and to alleviate poverty.
Likewise prominent individuals such as former U. This free market ideology is also predominant in the policies and procedures of the World Trade Organization WTO and many transnational corporations TNC's , most of which are headquartered in developed nations. The rise of Capitalism and the free market society have indeed increased and exacerbated food insecurity in the world's poor due to the structure and function of a Capitalist society where only those who can afford to buy food to feed themselves are the only ones with access to a secure and adequate food supply.
Food is no longer a human right to life and health due to the Capitalist approach to commodifying food in the free market society that as a result of globalization has spread all over the world. Transnational corporations and trade organizations such as NAFTA facilitate this approach of commodifying our world's food supply by enforcing laws and regulations which further deepen the inequality of wealth and unequal distribution of common goods such as food between the rich and the poor.
Though some objects, such as armbands or shell necklaces in the kula ring that runs through several island groups off the coast of Papua New Guinea , might induce some form of prestige based competition, the terms of exchange are significantly different than a monetary transaction under a modern capitalist system. While Appadurai actually describes ritual objects as a type of commodity, he couches them as such under significantly different terms than the market-based types of commodity normally treated by economists.
Whatever the theoretical stance of social scholars on non-western traditional economies, there is a consensus that such essentials as food and water tended to be shared more freely than other types of goods or services.
This dynamic tends to change with the introduction of a market-based economy into a society, with food coming to be increasingly treated as a commodity, rather than a social good or an essential component of health and survival. Regardless of one's overall perspective on the costs and benefits of economic globalization, there are several examples in social scholarship of groups of people suffering a decline in nutritional statues subsequent to the introduction of a capitalist market-based economy into an area that has previously practiced an economy based more on subsistence production and reciprocity.
Although some people's food security may improve with access to more steady income, many people in communities that have heretofore practiced a subsistence economy may experienced greater food insecurity and nutritional status due to insufficient income to replace the foods no longer produced by a household.
Several factors affecting food security and nutritional status range on a continuum from more physical phenomena such as land degradation and land expropriation, to more culturally and socio-politically driven things such as cash cropping, dietary delocalization, and commoditization of food; one important caveat is that all of these trends are interconnected and fall under a broad category of socio-cultural and economic disruptions and dislocations under the current paradigm of globalization.
Though Blakie and Brookfield acknowledge the problematic aspects of defining land degradation , with definitional variation depending in large part on the scholar or stakeholder in question, they do outline a general idea of reduced soil fertility and reduced ability of a given area of land to provide for people's subsistence needs, as compared to earlier periods in human history on that same land area.
Paul Farmer discusses the effects of land degradation in central Haiti on local people's ability to produce sufficient food for their families within the environs of their own communities. While the extremely low percentage of the U. Leatherman and Goodman also allude to land degradation co-occurring with decreases in food security and nutritional status in some communities in the Mexican state of Quintana Roo.
Walter Edgar discusses the correlation between land degradation and economic disruption, as well as nutritional hardship, in the U. Coupled with land expropriation, land degradation has the effect of thrusting unprepared subsistence producers or other peasant farmers into a fast-paced and complex market economy heavily influence by policy makers who are far removed from the concerns and worldview of small scale farmers in developing countries. Occurring for a variety of reasons, land expropriation, or the disruption of traditional ownership of land by more powerful interests such as local elites, governments, or transnational corporations, can also markedly affect nutritional status.
Robbins details examples in Mexico of peasants facing land expropriation in the face of agribusiness consolidation under the North American Free Trade Agreement NAFTA ; in many cases, these subsistence producers are forced either to migrate to cities or work sporadically as agricultural labors.
Since most if not all food must be purchased under these circumstances, the food security and nutritional status of these newer additions to the pool of poor unskilled labor often declines. Ironically, local people see relatively little monetary benefit from the rise in tourism, as many vacations are planned by German tour companies linked with all-inclusive German-owned resorts in the Canary Islands and are paid for before tourists ever arrive at their vacation destination.
Leatherman and Goodman and Daltabuit point to circumscription of land available for traditional milpa horticultural production in communities in the Mexican state of Quintana Roo in the face of growing demands for land for resorts by tourism interests, under the auspices of the Mexican national government.
One expropriation scenario with a long history is cash cropping, where crops grown for revenue from exports are prioritized over crops grown for local consumption.
In Sweetness and Power , written by Sidney Mintz in , details examples of mono-cropping, or planting massive areas with one cash crop, in several Caribbean Islands, including Cuba.
He states that Cuba went from being an economically diverse place with many small scale subsistence producers to a mono-crop plantation system dependent on cash from its sugar crop and substantial food imports for the later centuries of the Spanish Colonial Period.
Journal of Anthropological Sciences. Nutritional Status in Past Human Groups. In: Janet Chrzan and John Brett eds. Skin Color: In John Stone et al. George John Armelagos
Nutritional anthropology is the study of the interplay between human biology , economic systems , nutritional status and food security. If economic and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food security, and dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development either in terms of human development or traditional western models for any given group of people. Most scholars construe economy as involving the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services within and between societies. For instance, many economic anthropologists state that the reciprocal gift exchange, competitive gift exchange, and impersonal market exchange are all reflective of dominant paradigms of social relations within a given society.
Fuses issues past and present, local and global, and biological and cultural in order to give students a comprehensive foundation in food and nutrition. Revised for the first time in ten years, the second edition of Nutritional Anthropology: Biocultural Perspectives on Food and Nutrition continues to blend biological and cultural approaches to this dynamic discipline. While this revision maintains the format and philosophy that grounded the first edition, the text has been revamped and revitalized with new and updated readings, sections, introductions, and pedagogical materials that cover current global food trade and persistent problems of hunger in equal measure.
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Register a free. Revised for the first time in ten years, the second edition of Nutritional Anthropology: Biocultural. Anthropology fuses issues past and present, local and global, and biological and cultural in order. Dufour Author ,. Goodman Page Find all the books, read.
Food and Nutrition pp Cite as. Even a cursory glance through the scientific and humanities literature, or a modicum of reflective thought is enough to produce ready agreement with the idea that culture is a major determinant of what we eat. Whereas it is easily seen that the direct consequences of food intake are biological -food meets the energy and nutrient needs of the body — it is also apparent that the nature of that food intake is shaped by a wide variety of geographical, social, psychological, religious, economic and political factors. Recognition of the fact that food intake is a response to both biological and cultural stimuli and that eating fulfils both biological and social needs leads inescapably to the conclusion that the study of nutrition is a biocultural issue par excellence. Foods chosen, methods of eating, preparation, number of meals per day, time of eating and the size of portions eaten make up human foodways and are an integrated part of a coherent cultural pattern in which each custom and practice has a part to play. Food habits come into being and are maintained because they are practical or symbolically meaningful behaviours in a particular culture although this may not be readily apparent to the casual observer.
Но не только молодые криптографы научились уважать Стратмора; еще в начале своей карьеры он был замечен начальством как человек, разработавший целый ряд неортодоксальных и в высшей степени успешных разведывательных операций. Продвигаясь по служебной лестнице, Тревор Стратмор прославился умением сжато и одновременно глубоко анализировать сложнейшие ситуации. Он обладал почти сверхъестественной способностью преодолевать моральные затруднения, с которыми нередко бывают связаны сложные решения агентства, и действовать без угрызений совести в интересах всеобщего блага. Ни у кого не вызывало сомнений, что Стратмор любит свою страну. Он был известен среди сотрудников, он пользовался репутацией патриота и идеалиста… честного человека в мире, сотканном из лжи. За годы, прошедшие после появления в АНБ Сьюзан, Стратмор поднялся с поста начальника Отдела развития криптографии до второй по важности позиции во всем агентстве.
В следующем семестре я возвращаюсь в аудиторию. Сьюзан с облегчением вздохнула: - Туда, где твое подлинное призвание.
Беккер быстро проделал это со всеми буквами. Он никогда не думал, что четыре слова могут сделать его таким счастливым: IM GLAD WE MET Что означало: Я рада, что мы встретились. Он быстро нацарапал на программке ответ и протянул Сьюзан: LDSNN Сьюзан, прочитав, просияла. ME TOO, что означало: Я. Беккер расхохотался.
Оказавшись на улице, человек в очках в тонкой металлической оправе достал крошечный прибор, закрепленный на брючном ремне, - квадратную коробочку размером с кредитную карту. Это был опытный образец нового компьютера Монокль, разработанного ВМС США для проверки напряжения аккумуляторов в труднодоступных отделениях подводных лодок - миниатюрный аппарат, совмещенный с сотовым модемом, последнее достижение микротехнологии. Его визуальный монитор - дисплей на жидких кристаллах - был вмонтирован в левую линзу очков.
И я меньше всего хотел, чтобы кто-нибудь в севильском морге завладел ею. - И вы послали туда Дэвида Беккера? - Сьюзан все еще не могла прийти в. - Он даже не служит у .
Она засмеялась. - Сам удивишься. Дэвид сунул руку в карман халата и вытащил маленький предмет. - Закрой .
Никто не имел к нему доступа, кроме него самого и Северной Дакоты. Если бы Танкадо не вернулся к анализу программы после ее выпуска свет, он ничего бы не узнал про этот черный ход. Но он так долго трудился над Цифровой крепостью, что вряд ли ему захотелось бы к ней возвращаться. Сьюзан понадобилось некоторое время, чтобы все это осмыслить. Она вдруг поняла стремление коммандера к необычайной секретности в шифровалке.
Спускаясь по лестнице, она пыталась представить себе, какие еще неприятности могли ее ожидать. Ей предстояло узнать это совсем. ГЛАВА 2 На высоте тридцать тысяч футов, над застывшим внизу океаном, Дэвид Беккер грустно смотрел в крохотный овальный иллюминатор самолета Лирджет-60.
Или надумает продать кольцо. Беккер не мог ждать. Он решительно поднял трубку, снова набрал номер и прислонился к стене. Послышались гудки. Беккер разглядывал зал.
Он болтал что-то на ужаснейшем испанском, который мне только доводилось слышать. - Он сказал, что на руке у мистера Танкадо было кольцо. Офицер кивнул, достал из пачки Дукадо сигарету, посмотрел на плакат с надписью No fumar - Не курить - и все же закурил. - Наверное, я должен был обратить на это внимание, но тот тип показался мне настоящим психом.
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